Ancient Rome’s Labor Unions Uncovered

Labor Day is back, putting the spotlight on workers’ rights across North America. Recently, Canadian railworkers nearly halted trade over disputes with rail firms. U.S. political figures Kamala Harris and Donald Trump are actively courting union members in their bids for the White House, even as union leaders criticize Trump for anti-union actions.

This political maneuvering to appease and control labor movements is a practice as old as history itself. A new book by Sarah Bond, an associate professor in classics at the University of Iowa, explores labor movements in the Roman empire. Titled “Strike: Labor, Unions, and Resistance in the Roman Empire,” the book uncovers how ancient Roman workers organized and collectively resisted to improve their conditions, often facing political opposition and legislation designed to thwart them.

Bond explains that the Romans were afraid of any groups that might push back against the status quo. One of the earliest organized labor groups were the Technitai of Dionysus, official entertainers who gained popularity after the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC. These entertainers used their influence to secure better working conditions, akin to today’s actors’ unions like Sag-Aftra.

“They needed assurances when they traveled, protection from violence, and guaranteed wages,” Bond notes. These unions were essential for vulnerable performers who faced threats like sexual violence and attacks while constantly on the move.

Other groups in ancient Rome also organized for better conditions. Ship operators threatened to halt wheat shipments unless their demands were met. Bakers withheld bread as a bargaining tool. Even ordinary Roman citizens resisted conscription into the military due to the economic hardships it caused. Significant rebellions, like that of Spartacus in 73 BC, also highlighted the unrest among slaves and gladiators.

A notable example discussed in Bond’s book involves construction workers in Sardis, modern-day Turkey. An inscription from AD 459 describes a contract for builders that included sick days and replacement workers. It even stipulated fines for contract breaches, closely resembling modern union contracts.

Despite some successes, Roman leaders, including Julius Caesar, frequently sought to limit collective organizing. Caesar’s legislation in 47 or 46 BC aimed to ban associations that could potentially cause sedition. This desire to control public assembly was a way to maintain power.

“When Caesar moved to draft legislation to ban all but ancient associations, he wanted to prevent sedition within Rome and the Italian peninsula,” explains Bond. “Artisans often took populist stances, and Caesar, as a ruler and dictator, sought to squelch any resistance, starting with freedom of assembly.”

After Caesar’s assassination, Augustus carried out similar policies, banning collegia not under his patronage and requiring licenses for their formation. During Nero’s reign in AD 59, all associations in Pompeii were banned due to riots, and gladiatorial combats were suspended for a decade.

“The Romans feared any group that could push back against them,” Bond adds. Occupational groups were closely tied to people’s identities, making them a significant source of resistance.

Bond argues that modern historians have often shied away from comparing ancient associations to modern labor groups to avoid anachronistic interpretations. However, she believes this view needs to be challenged. The limited historical documents from ancient Rome and their biases towards the wealthy have led to an overlooked history of labor organizing in studies of the Roman empire.

“If we’re afraid of parallels, we’ll fail to connect modern labor movements with those in antiquity,” Bond says. “While not always successful, these ancient associations offered a form of agency worth learning from today. More importantly, we see governments using rhetoric of sedition and anti-patriotism against labor groups—a tactic still in use.”

This anti-labor rhetoric persists today, with modern-day billionaires like Trump and Elon Musk denigrating labor unions. “There have always been rich politicians doing this,” Bond concludes. “But it doesn’t have to continue.”

Source: The Guardian